Assessing Newly Declassified Katyn Documents
- September 17th, 2012
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I provided one of two assessments last Monday (Sept 10) at a Capitol Hill event where newly declassified documents on the Katyn Forest Massacre were made public for the first time. Hosted by Rep. Marcy Kaptur of Ohio at the National Visitor Center, the event attracted a standing room only crowd and worldwide media coverage as the U.S. National Archives placed more than 2,000 pages of Katyn-related documents online for the first time. The documents can be found at…
www.archives.gov/research/foreign-policy/katyn-massacre/
Rep. Kaptur, who has a large Polish constituency, had pushed for more than a year to get the documents released. Part of the search centered on a list of documents I prepared in March, 2010 at the request of the Helsinki Commission, the human rights arm of Congress. Mark Kramer, head of Harvard’s Cold War Studies Center, focused in the other assessment on papers released by the presidential libraries.
My main conclusion was that the documents show U.S. leaders at the highest level knew that the Russians had murdered thousands of Polish officers in Katyn Forest near Smolensk long before World War II ended. The new information provides dramatic evidence that they heard from an unimpeachable source-a U.S. Army colonel communicating, incredibly, in code from a German POW camp in late 1943.
That same May 1943 the Germans had forced Lt. Col. John Van Vliet, a West Pointer known for his integrity, to witness the Poles’ bodies being exhumed from mass graves. They had been murdered in the spring of 1940 following the Nazi-Soviet invasion of Poland the previous September. Van Vliet arrived at Katyn convinced that he was a prop for German allegations which had become a worldwide press sensation. Much to his surprise, he was given free access to the graves where many bodies remained in a mummified mass. It was obvious to him that a major Russian claim – that the Germans had used the Poles in road construction before shooting them – was false because the Poles’ uniforms and boots were in near perfect condition. Van Vliet returned to his POW camp near Rotenberg convinced that the Russians had murdered the Poles.
A newly declassified file note written by the head of Army Intelligence, Gen. Clayton Bissell, confirms that a few months after Van Vliet’s visit to Katyn he exchanged coded messages with the War Department about what he saw. The messages were routed through the Swiss Protecting Power which served as a wartime conduit between belligerents, including the U.S. and Nazi Germany. How the messages were coded to get past German censors remains a mystery, but the National Archives is still seeking an answer to that question.
Bissell is a controversial figure who got a much-deserved chewing out from Congress for the way he handled sensitive Katyn information-in particular the report Van Vliet gave the War Department once he was freed and came home. Bissell stamped that report top secret and told the colonel not to reveal a word of it without written approval from the War Department. What happened to Van Vliet’s report became the subject of great controversy when Congress investigated the Katyn crime in 1951-52. Bissell said he sent the original to the State Department, but it was never found. It has not turned up in a batch of documents the National Archives just put online. The possibility that the report was destroyed cannot be dismissed.
Members of Congress were irate that Bissell wildly exceeded his authority. His said he suppressed the report to avoid embarrassing the Soviets at a time when we were urging them to enter the war against Japan and to sign the U.N. Charter in San Francisco. As lawmakers pointed out, Bissell had veered into de facto policymaking, the province of the State Department and the Office of the President.
Prime Minister Churchill sent President Roosevelt an explosive report on Aug. 13, 1943 that pointed to Russian responsibility for the murders. The American people were kept in the dark about that (and other Katyn reports) in order to maintain good relations with Stalin. That decision could be justified on military and political grounds in 1943 when Russia was bearing the brunt of the war and the Normandy invasion was still nearly a year away. But suppressing the truth after the war ended was much harder to justify. As late as mid-1953, Secretary of State John Foster Dulles was suppressing Katyn information. By then a highly popular proposal had emerged in Congress to conduct a Katyn trial before the Court of International Justice at The Hague. At Dulles’ behest the House Foreign Affairs Committee torpedoed that recommendation. His grounds? He claimed the Russians would help end the Korean War which proved to be a fantasy.
The U.S. government should clear the air on our executive branch cover-up by intensifying its search for Katyn-related documents and by urging others – most notably the Russians and the British – to do the same. It should also issue an apology or statement of profound regret to the Poles who suffered grievously under Stalin. Our cover-up delayed by years American understanding of the true nature of Stalinism-to 1949, in point of fact, when the Soviets exploded their bomb. A full two years earlier an iron fist had clamped shut on Poland’s long-suffering people when Stalinist stooges stole the “free and unfettered elections” promised at Yalta. The Poles had known long before the war ended what Stalin’s true intentions were. The West’s refusal to hear them out on the Katyn issue was a crushing blow that made their fate worse.








